The first round of voting took place at the end of May and the two remaining candidates will learn their fate as voters once again take to the urns. In one corner is the close Uribe ally and ex-Minister of Defence Juan Manuel Santos. In the rival corner is the surprise phenomenon, the ex-Mayor of Bogotá, Antanas Mockus.

Whilst on the surface the campaign revolves around a choice between continuity or change, and whilst there are indeed certain key differences between the candidates, on many of the key issues they both promise much of the same.

On the campaign for continuity is Juan Manuel Santos, a member of the elite Santos family; the family controls the country’s principal broadsheet, El Tiempo, and his cousin, Francisco Santos, is the current vice-President. His period as Minister of Defence was extremely controversial. The bombing of a FARC camp in Ecuador in 2008 broke international law and killed numerous civilians as well as the guerrilla commander Raul Reyes. Indeed the Ecuadorian judicial system has recently taken out a warrant for his arrest. He has faced also continued condemnation from international human rights organisations for his presiding over the Colombian military’s systematic campaign of murdering innocent civilians and dressing them up as guerrilla fighters. Recent reports have suggested the number of murders committed by the military, in  what is known as the ‘false-positive’ scandal, exceeds 2,000. Judicial investigations are ongoing although until now impunity has reigned.

His campaign has promised a continuation of the militaristic policy of Álvaro Uribe, also known as the policy of ‘Democratic Security’, unshakeable support for foreign investment, and a continuation of the close military relationship with United States.

In the other camp, the campaign has seen the meteoric rise of the ex-mayor of Bogotá and Green Party candidate, Antanas Mockus. The somewhat eccentric part-Maths professor, part-philosopher, who promises a focus on legality, is seen as many voters and commentators as the choice for change. There are undoubtedly some significant differences. Firstly, Mockus, unlike Santos and the current President, does not face repeated accusations of close relationships with paramilitary groups.

Their attitudes to the justice system, perhaps not unconnected, also seems to distinguish them. After the Supreme Court recently condemned the ex-Coronel Alfonso Plazas Vega to 30 years behind bars for his role in the disappearence of 11 people in the infamous storming of the Palace of Justice in 1985, the two candidates reacted in very different ways. Whilst Santos criticised the decision and questioned the viability of civil authorities investigating military personnel, Mockus gave his full backing to the decision and defended the role played by the judicial branch. In a country where impunity for state crimes is alarmingly high, this is no moot point.

However, the truth is that Mockus has compromised himself to continue with much of Uribe’s programme; significantly in his security and economic policies. Perhaps most notable is his unequivocal commitment to the much criticised Democratic Security policy – a policy that has led to the militarisation of the country and an intense harrasment of civil, community, and human rights organizations. He also maintains a similar dedication to foreign investment which, when centred around projects such as the cultivation of African Palm or the excavation of natural resources, has often led to massive displacement in the countryside and has offered few benefits to the small-scale Colombian farmer. Indeed, on the question of unequal land distribution, widely accepted as a root cause of the Colombian conflict, very little has been offered. The more reactionary forces in Mockus’ Green Party have recently blocked a possible deal with the leftist coalition, the Democratic Pole, which may have forced the land issue onto the agenda.

Whilst Mockus may not inspire the confidence to suggest that his presidency will change the social conditions needed to impact significantly the state of the Colombian conflict, his candidacy has inspired a huge amount of support. Many have seen him as an opportunity for change after two successive Uribe governments. However, if the results of the first round and the recent success of the Santos campaign to gain the backing of the other conservative parties are anything to go by, it appears unlikely that the result will render any change at all.

Hasan Dodwell, Colombia Local Correspondent. 14 June 2010

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As Colombia approaches its 200th anniversary of independence, Colombians are naturally minded to assess the capacity of their state to govern at this milestone. In particular, strong opinions have been expressed about the continuing ability of the state to maintain the rule of law and provide social welfare to its citizens across the whole breadth of the territory of Colombia. The scale of drug-trafficking, and its impact on society and politics as a whole, remains a serious concern.

The current administration of Alvaro Uribe has sought to strengthen the state largely through a security policy and strengthening the military, particularly in remote areas of the country. This policy has included notable military successes against the FARC guerrillas, notably killing of one of their leading commanders (Raul Reyes) and the rescue of the hostage Ingrid Betancourt after 7 years. Uribe’s ensuing popularity won him re-election in 2006. A topic of much debate is where the constitution will be changed to allow him to stand once more in this year’s elections. (The Colombian constitution, which had previously barred re-election, was changed in 2006 to allow him to stand once more, and would need a further change to allow a third term).

Though the hardline policies of Uribe have won him many supporters, he has faced consistent criticisms from human rights groups and political opponents over his strengthening of the military and also alleged links to paramilitary organisations. The most damaging allegations came in with the ‘False Positives’ scandal in 2008, in which high-ranking officers and soldiers were involved in the murder civilians, who were passed off as rebels by members of the armed forces. This involves many cases of missing people cases, with families denouncing the authority’s claims that their dead people did not belong to any illegal armed group.

Civil society has played a vital role in maintaining vigilance on Colombia’s increasingly-militarised state; for example, Ideas Para La Paz produce a monthly bulletin on the conflict in Colombia, as well as many other articles, and it was a report by the Coordinación Colombia-Europa-Estados Unidos (CCEEU), an alliance of civil society organisations, that submitted a report on hundreds of missing people in the ‘False Positives’ scandal.

Despite the severity of these allegations, many Colombians continue to back a ‘mano dura’ (hardline) military strategy on the part of the government. After 200 years of independence, will this strategy succeed in bringing long-term peace to Colombia? Ideas Para La Paz warn us against thinking there will be any easy solutions:

“Colombia’s armed conflict stands out due to its complexity: illegal armed groups or alliances among them, with different origins and structures, operate throughout the country, surrounded by organised crime networks. The split trend within every group is strong and their characteristics change as the geography does. Any effort for peacebuilding in Colombia has to start by understanding this complexity.”

Daniel Pardo, Insight on Conflict. February 2010.

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VallenPaz has traditionally represented the excluded part of the population without sufficient access to productive means to secure a decent living and quality of life. Its projects provide training in agricultural techniques, community leadership formation and market commercialisation processes. It also offers psychosocial support and advice to victims of the conflict.

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CNAI understands development and co-existence as the key ingredients for a lasting peace. Indeed, in one of its first engagements, it developed education, health, housing and employment projects for the reintegration into society of 800 ELN ex-combatants. Current programmes foster economic initiatives in rural communities and try to increase the political visibility of the victims and their demands of justice and reparation.

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REDEPAZ’s ultimate vision is of a Colombia in peace with social justice and democratic culture that respects human rights, life and diversity. With a presence throughout Colombia, it promotes a culture of peaceful conflict resolution, sensitises people to the pain caused by violence and encourages the mobilization of citizens. Since 1994, REDEPAZ has organised an annual National Peace Week to create a space for reflection, work and community of Colombians who are in favour of dialogue, reconciliation, coexistence and peace.

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Civilians: Civilians have often been targeted by all parties. Colombia has the third largest population of internally displaced people in the world, with around 4.5 million people. Most of these people tend to be poor indigenous farmers and fisherman, and particularly those of the Afro-Caribbean community who have suffered disproportionate levels of violence through the history of conflict in the country.

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Conciliation Resources: Essays on the armed conflict in Colombia.

Council on Foreign Relations: Papers and interviews on the Colombian conflict.

Crimes on War Project: An overview and insight into the wider implications of the conflict in Colombia.

The Economist: Series of articles and up-to-date news on Colombia.

Freedom House: Freedom House promotes democracy and freedom around the world and publishes country reports.

Human Rights Watch: Human Rights Watch denounces the killings of 12 indigenous people in August 2009. For further reports on human rights abuses in Colombia.

Global Security: News on Colombia related to defense, security, parts involved in conflict and institutions.

Internal Displacement Monitoring Center: Comprehensive overview of the Colombian conflict, including the latest figures on IDP’s.

International Alert: Background information and projects run by IA in Colombia.

International Centre for Transitional Justice: A comprehensive resource for information on the Colombian conflict.

International Crisis Group: A comprehensive resource for information on the conflict in Colombia and ongoing humanitarian challenges. For additional reports on Colombia see the “Recent Reports & Briefings” section.

International Narcotics Control Board (INCB): (PDF) Annual report which examines the impact of illicit drugs on overall economic development. Particularly interesting is The Analysis of the World Situation – South America (pp72-80).

London School of Economics – The working paper “Politics and Security in Three Colombian Cities” (PDF) discusses the improvement of security in Bogotá and Medellín in contrast to Cali.

Medecins Sans Frontieres: Articles, photographs and videos relating to health and humanitarian issues in Colombia.

Minority Rights Group International: World directory of minorities and indigenous people; section on Colombia.

OneWorld.net: Country guide for Colombia with detailed information on development facts.

Overseas Security Advisory Council: News and reports on security issues in Colombia.

Peace Brigades International: Latest news and reports, and details on PBI’s projects in Colombia.

ReliefWeb: A leading online gateway to information on humanitarian emergencies and disasters in Colombia.

Transnational Institute: Articles on the Colombian crisis from a network of international ‘scholar-activists’.

University of Uppsala Department of Peace and Conflict Research: Detailed overview and commentary on the Colombian conflict.

UN Refugee Agency Refworld: Information on refugee status in Colombia and additional reports and documents.

US Department of State – Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs: International Narcotics Control Strategy Report on Colombia and other countries in South America.

US Department of State – Bureau of Public Affairs: Country report and basic data on Colombia.

Books

The Fruit Palace, Charles Nicholl: Charles Nicholl first came into contact with the Colombian drug trade in the early Seventies. Twelve years later he went back to find out about this dangerous world.

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1964-1966: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) is founded, and goes on to be leading guerrilla threat to the Colombian state.
1964: Leftist National Liberation Army (ENL) and Maoist People’s Liberation Army (EPL) is formed.
1970: Formation of left-wing M-19 guerrilla group.
1978: Intense campaign against drug traffickers by President Julio César Turbay Ayala (Liberal).
1982-1985: President Belisario Betancur (Conservative) negotiates a cease-fire, grants amnesties to guerrillas and releases political prisoners. Negotiations fall apart when the armed M-19 guerrillas briefly seize the Justice Court in Bogota. Over 100 people die as the army move to retake the building, including 11 Supreme Court judges and several of the leading members of the M-19. The M-19 was subsequently much weakened.
1985: The FARC and the Colombian Communist Party found the Patriotic Union Party (UP), as part of the peace negotiation process between Betancur and the guerrillas. Since September 2002 the UP has had no legal representatives.
1986-1990: President Virgilio Barco Vargas (Liberal) continues the peace process but the period is marked by extreme violence, including from increasingly powerful drug cartels and paramilitary groups.
1989: M-19 becomes a legal political party (M-19 Democratic Alliance) following a peace agreement with the government.
1990: Three presidential candidates are assassinated by narco-terrorists. President César Gaviria Trujillo (Liberal) is elected on anti-drug platform.
1991: New Colombian Constitution. It replaces the 1886 constitution and bans the extradition of Colombian citizens (this article was repealed in 1996), includes new human rights and for indigenous groups, and reforms Colombia’s political institutions.
1993: Medellin drug-cartel leader Pablo Escobar is killed by Colombian security forces. Indiscriminate acts of violence follow.
1997: The United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia (AUC) is established, an umbrella organisation of right-wing paramilitary groupings.
1998-2002: President Andrés Pastrana Arango (Conservative) initiates peace-talks with guerrillas. After three years of convoluted talks, they end after the guerrilla kidnaps a congressman and other political figures.
2000: Pastrana launches controversial and unpopular
Plan Colombia, with the aid of the USA, to put to a halt the flow of cocaine and heroine entering the USA over the Mexican border and to fight drug trafficking and rebels that benefit form the trade.
2001: The USA State Department adds the AUC to the list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations.
2002: Independent candidate Álvaro Uribe Vélez wins presidential elections.

2003-2006: Demobilisation of the AUC.
2004: Uribe launches ‘Plan Patriota’, which is widely seen as a continuation of Pastrana’s Plan Colombia, and also controversial. With the financial support of the USA, it aims to uproot guerrilla groups in Colombia, gain military presence in remote areas of the country, traditionally controlled by the guerrilla, and introduce social programmes.
2005: Uribe sets the Justice and Peace Law that reduces punishments for guerrilla and paramilitary members if they surrender their arms, renounce violence and return illegal assets.
2006: The FARC launches ‘Plan Resistencia’, a final offensive to counteract military activities and, in view of the 2006 presidential elections, undermine the public’s perception that the security situation has improved under Uribe’s government.
2006: Uribe’s second presidential election win, after apresidential re-election ban is revoked.
2006: Preliminary peace talks between the government and the ELN take place in Cuba. Formal negotiations are yet to start however.
2007: Connections between paramilitary groups and several congressmen come to light, creating the parapolitics scandal.
2008: Diplomatic crisis between Colombia, Ecuador and Venezuela intensifies following a Colombian cross-border strike into Ecuador. FARC leader Raúl Reyes is killed.
2008: Manuel Marulanda Velez, known as “Tirofijo” and main leader of FARC-EP, dies of a heart attack.
2008: Release of Ingrid Betancourt, a highest-profile FARC hostage, after over 6 years in captivity.
2008: “False Positives” scandal, in which the government and army is accused of colluding in the murder of up to 1,500 civilians who were then presented as guerrillas killed in combat.
2009: The FARC launches “Plan Rebirth” to avoid defeat by intensifying guerrilla warfare – i.e. use of landmines, snipers and bomb attacks in urban areas. This plan is counteracted by ““Strategic Leap”“, a military offensive in areas where guerrillas still have a strong military presence.
2009: Colombia and US sign Military Cooperation Agreement.
2010: Jose Manuel Santos, a former Defence Minister under Uribe, is elected President.

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Supporting Peaceful Resistance in Colombia

Hasan Dodwell of the International Peace Observatory describes a visit to Catatumbo in Colombia as part of their human rights accompaniment work.

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The Importance of IDP Organisations in Colombia

Juan Pablo Serrano Frattali argues that in Colombia, a country with more than 4 million IDPs and many violations of Human Rights, civil society represents the best way to demand their constitutional protection.

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The Stigmatisation of Human Rights Defenders in Colombia

How human rights workers are being deliberately stigmatized in Colombia, in an attempt to de-legitimize their work.

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From the editors

Oxfam Working Paper: Sexual Violence in Colombia (September 2009)

This Oxfam Working Paper highlights how during 50 years of armed conflict in Colombia, sexual violence has been used as a weapon of war by guerrillas, military forces and paramilitaries. Sexual violence during conflict is used as a means of humiliation, breaking down society and controlling the most intimate aspects of women’s lives.

This paper explores how sexual violence in Colombia has become routine practice amongst combatants. Lack of accountability for the perpetrators and a state system of denial has meant many women are unwilling to report or testify in cases of sexual violence.

‘The use of sexual violence is far from sporadic. It has become a generalized and systematic practice; a normal aspect of the armed conflict. In spite of this situation, the impunity that envelops these types of crimes has converted Colombian women into the hidden victims of this conflict…’

The Economist

Description: The article “From the Guerrilla’s Mouth” looks at the relationship between Colombia and Ecuador following accusations against Ecuador’s President, Rafael Correa, for receiving money from the FARC to finance his 2006 presidential campaign.

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