Release of FARC held prisoners facilitated by Colombianas por la paz (Photo credit: Telesur)

On 4 October 2011, after a military campaign lasting several years , involving several thousand Colombian Special Forces and with a still unidentified cost in terms of civilian victims, troop casualties, and Colombian pesos, the Colombian Army killed the FARC chief, alias Alfonso Cano. It is the first time FARC, the world’s oldest active guerrilla organisation, has had its leader killed in combat and has led to claims in certain sectors that the death of the guerrilla leader has brought Colombia closer to peace. Whilst undoubtedly a military success for the Colombian Army, one must ask if a military solution is the answer to the Colombian conflict. Does the continued militarisation of Colombia bring peace closer? Will continued military victories eradicate the structural causes of the armed, political and social conflicts that exist in Colombia? Or is there a need for a different approach?

Photo credit: http://www.rioja2.com

The initiative began with an exchange of letters, published publicly, in which the movement sought to promote a dialogue with Colombia’s two largest guerrilla groups, FARC and ELN. The aim of the letters was to discuss openly with the guerrillas the desire to bring peace to Colombia through negotiation. This effort began with a call for the end to the use of kidnapping as a tool of war and for the release of all prisoners being held by the guerrillas in the mountains of Colombia. Indeed this effort produced positive results. Since its creation, Colombianas y colombianos por la paz has been instrumental in securing the unilateral release of 20 prisoners of war held captive by guerrilla groups. In addition to the release of prisoners, the last year has been characterised by a series of statements from both the guerrilla groups and the Colombian government regarding the possibility of a negotiated solution to the Colombian conflict – not forgetting that these statements were made in the context of a conflict that continued and continues causing deaths on all sides.

Alfonso Cano, real name Guillermo León Sáenz Vargas, was seen by the peace movement as a solid negotiating partner with whom future talks were a real possibility. ‘By prioritising armed confrontation instead of a political solution brought about through dialogue and negotiation, the Government is showing that it lacks a real program for peace’. It was the logic of war rather than the logic of peace that demanded his death. As commented by the respected Colombian academic Carlos Medina Gallego , the military logic that dictates that your enemy can be bombed to the negotiating table will only serve to continue the cycle of violence and further exacerbate the conflict.

In their press release following the death of Alfonso Cano, Colombianas y colombianos por la paz declared its commitment to continue in its efforts to create spaces for dialogue and negotiation:

From Colombianas y colombianos por la paz we believe that there have already been too many deaths in our country and that the bloodshed must stop. For this reason we will continue working to achieve peace with social justice and not for the peace offered by the establishment that is conceived in terms of cemeteries or prison cells – the only thing that this achieves is the never ending prolongation of the war

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For MOVICE, the respect for these rights and as such an end to impunity is a necessary condition for the emergence of a lasting peace and a true democracy.

MOVICE is made up of over 300 organisations representing victims of various crimes committed in the context of the conflict, including victims of forced displacement, massacres and political genocide. In addition to a central coordinating body, MOVICE is made up of a series of regional groups carrying out activities across Colombia.

MOVICE demands the dismantling of all of the structures perpetuating the war,  an end to the militarization of civilian life, and it seeks a negotiated political solution to the armed and social conflict in Colombia. It supports the signing of humanitarian agreements that reduce the impact of the armed conflict on the  civilian population.

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As well as actively participating in processes seeking solutions of the Colombian conflict, the Asociación works and fights for the improvement of living conditions for the rural population and of the rural sector in general. It hopes to create the conditions that will allow for peace to emerge.

This work is based in the following areas:

• The defence of the rural population’s rights.
• The promotion of plans for rural development and self-government that allow for the strengthening of the rural community.
• The creation of spaces to allow for the pushing forward of land reform issues.
• The demanding of technical assistance to allow for improved production, commercialisation and financing in the rural sector.
• The strengthening of civil society organisations.
• The protection of human rights.

ATCH operates in the south-western state of Huila. The organisation is made up of local farmers of all standing, from the medium sized farm owner, to the farm worker, to the housewife. Since its inception in 2007 the Asociación has been relentless in its efforts to promote and defend the interests of Huila’s rural population. This for ATCH is fundamental in the search for peace in Huila and in Colombia.

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Since its establishment in 1990, Justapaz has worked to promote nonviolence, peacebuilding, and the positive transformation of conflict. It has developed a broad range of initiatives in training, organisation and action for conflict transformation at local, regional, national, and international levels.

Its organisational arrangement actively promotes the formation of a nonhierarchical organisation and the deep involvement of Colombia’s affected communities in the way the organisation is run.

Justapaz, which means ‘a just peace’, was created by the Colombian Mennonite Church in response to the violence and injustice being suffered across Colombia. It was and continues to be a necessary religious response for the Mennonites, as the Church itself is based on values established during 16^th Century peaceful and egalitarian social movements.

Training, human rights, and political advocacy

Remaining true to its nonviolent and organisational objectives, Justapaz focuses on the practical training of likeminded churches, communities and individuals in the practice of nonviolence. It seeks to enable the creation of structures and ways of life that it believes can ultimately lead to real peace in Colombia.

Justapaz carries out training programs and workshops to combat the normalisation of violence in society. It seeks to enable the peaceful mediation of conflicts existing in communities, demonstrate what psychological support can be given to victims and facilitate the processing of legal cases.

Justapaz also values the protection of human rights and political advocacy as a fundamental element in the advancement of peace in Colombia. This combination of training, human rights and political advocacy comes together in Justapaz’s annual report, A Prophetic Call. The report – which presents contextual analysis, detailed cases of political violence and offers political recommendations – is largely the work of those groups and individuals who have been through Justapaz training programs. The report is used for advocacy at a national and international level.

Lines of work

The projects carried out by Justapaz are grouped into the following areas:

• Training
• Communications
• Collaboration with churches and organisations
• Political advocacy
• Technical and administrative services

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The Peace Community, set up in 1997, seeks to create a zone for the civilian population of San Jose de Apartadó to live in peace. It maintains complete neutrality in the conflict and prohibits the presence of any armed group inside its territory. However, as is often the case in Colombia, this neutrality has not saved the community from the conflict. It has on the contrary led to their stigmatisation and continued persecution. Neutrality is stigmatised by those whose interests are served by following the War on Terror “with us or against us” logic. The community has been victim to a prolonged campaign seeking to accuse its members of guerrilla collaboration. Using made up declarations from supposed ex-guerrilla combatants, government officials and even the ex-President have made false accusations against the community in attempts to damage its image and legitimise the horrific persecution against its members.

In just August last year another member of the community was killed. Over 180 have been killed since 1997.

In this video Adam Isaacson from the US-based organisation Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) speaks with Jesús Emilio Tuberquia during his trip to Washington in October 2010.

Colombia’s San José de Apartadó Peace Community from Adam Isacson on Vimeo.

For more information on the massacre at San José de Apartadó, go to this Verdad Abierta page (Spanish).

Hasan Dodwell, Colombia Local Correspondent. 13 January 2010.

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The Foundation aspires to provide a suitable space for future generations where they can learn to co-exist in a peaceful and respectful manner, in solidarity with one another.

Villa Rica context

The municipality of Villa Rica is situated in south-west Colombia in the department of Cauca. It has a population of 13,000, 90 per cent of whom are Afro-Colombian. Indeed, the ancestors of the current population were brought to Colombia from Africa as slaves and although these forefathers were liberated from slavery in the late Nineteenth Century, many of today’s inhabitants still lack the freedoms and opportunities that would have been hoped for. It is in this context that the Foundation works, seeking to contribute towards the construction of a base from which this liberation can finally be realised. The Foundation works on issues surrounding the concentration of land and the resultant lack of food sovereignty, the lack of education, and the lack of opportunities for young people – realities that are both cause and effect of the continued conflict in Colombia, and realities that characterise Villa Rica.

Organisation

The various programmes carried out by the Foundation are dependent on the involvement of the members of the community. The same people who benefit from the programmes are fundamental to the carrying out of further projects and, as such, the continued existence of the Foundation. These people often acquire the necessary skills and qualifications while actively participating in the different programmes. This is made possible as the only condition to join the Foundation is a desire to make a social contribution.

Areas of work

The programmes carried out by the Foundation include the following:

• The Education and Culture Programme
• The Maternity and Child Health Programme
• The Food Security and Environment Programme
• The Childhood and Youth Programme

The Foundation actively encourages small-scale subsistence farming – a form of farming that has become almost extinct in Villa Rica as large sugar-cane companies have taken over the vast majority of fertile land. The Foundation has a small piece of land with which to cultivate crops, allowing the community to recuperate lost agricultural knowledge and advance the possibility of further small-scale farming, enhanced food sovereignty and a greater empowerment – both at the personal and community level.

With the crops cultivated on this land, the Foundation runs a programme providing free daily meals for those with greatest need.

The offering of a space to the youth of Villa Rica is fundamental to the work of the Foundation. Workshops offering artistic and cultural activities are held. These activities include painting, drawing, singing, playing music and dancing. There is a particular emphasis on the community’s African roots.

On the academic side, the Foundation runs a programme to provide homework assistance to children.

All these activities aim to strengthen the self-esteem of the community’s young people, help shape their personality, improve their ethnic identity, and enable them to see a brighter future, so that they gain control of their own development and that their life ambitions are based on cultural, ethnic and social values. For the foundation, this is also a starting point for the process of creating future leaders, future leaders who can carry forward the work of the Foundation.

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The organisation is a grassroots movement that operates in the rural parts of Valdivia, Tarazá, Cáceres, Caucasia, Nechí, Bagre, Zaragoza and Ituango. The normal form of decision making is through an assembly system which allows for all members to learn to lead and act collectively.

Through ASOCBAC, the efforts of the local community – represented through community action committees, cooperatives, and various other groupings of rural workers – are brought together to promote the defence of human rights and International Humanitarian Law.

The Asociación carries out community projects with the fundamental aim of improving the quality of life for the inhabitants of the region. The community projects focus on activities promoting community self-sufficiency; practical training; and relevant research programmes. Through these projects ASOCBAC seeks the improvement in the quality of life at a material, economic, social, political and cultural level.

More specifically, the projects centre around the following:

1. The defence of human rights.
2. Constant attention to the internal displacement of the peasant farmers.
3. The implementation of productive projects guaranteeing food security.
4. The defence and conservation of natural resources and the environment.
5. The resolution of the social and economic imbalances in the region.

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The Global Campus and the Peace Community San José de Apartadó, Colombia – by Ede Müller from Grace Media on Vimeo. This video is also available in Spanish.

The Comunidad de Paz de San José de Apartadó (Peace Village of San José de Apartadó) is a community of around 1,500 people in North-west Colombia that is committed to cooperative living and non-participation in the violence of the conflict in Colombia. A farming community has existed since the sixties and in 1997 it declared itself a ‘Peace Community’.

The charter of the village declares:

• no cooperation/interaction with armed conflict parties;
• no information, no support for either conflict party;
• peaceful, non-violent resistance;
• no gunmen in the peace village;
• no drugs (no cultivation, trade, use in the community);
• no alcohol in the peace village;
• mutual support (production, health);
• transparency in the community.

Unfortunately, the commitment to peace by the members of the community has not spared them from the violence of the conflict in Colombia, and in fact they have been repeatedly targeted for attack by the military, paramilitary and guerrilla forces. Since its founding, approximately 200 members of the Peace Village have been killed, including victims of 20 massacres by different armed forces. The Peace Village of San Jose de Apartadó is supported by Colombia and international human rights organisations in an attempt to help it to avoid further violence.

I had said that if I accepted the post of Mayor I would do so without weapons or an escort and that I would talk with all the armed groups, whether they were guerrillas, paramilitaries, the army or the police. This sparked off a reaction nationwide because mayors were not supposed to talk with armed groups.

The full interview can be read here.

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The CPDH promotes dialogue in search of a political solution to Colombia’s armed conflict. It works to limit human rights violations, basing its work on the premise that weapons do not provide the only solution to the conflict and that greater militarisation can in fact exacerbate the poor human rights situation – arguing that this has been proven with the ‘Democratic Security’ policy employed since the arrival of President Uribe in 2002.

The organisation promotes the defence and protection of the integrity of human rights. It records, organises, analyses, and spreads information about human rights violations; facilitates the intervention of the International Community in actions for the promotion of human rights; and promotes organised participation from civilians for the defence of human rights and the promotion of peace.

The CPDH promotes collaboration between different organisations through acts that advance the coordination, convergence, and strengthening of the social movement for peace in Colombia. They participate in humanitarian and cross-institutional commissions for the observation of human rights and international humanitarian law. Internationally, in alliance with its partner organisation, the International Federation of Human Rights, the CPDH strives to enhance respect for the self-determination of all peoples as well as promoting the universality of human rights.

The CPDH supports popular acts for the advancement of peace through wide-ranging activities involving reflection and personal development. The organisation also organises forums on human rights, maintains a database of cases, carries out investigations and assists victims in the often arduous path in the search for justice.

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The first round of voting took place at the end of May and the two remaining candidates will learn their fate as voters once again take to the urns. In one corner is the close Uribe ally and ex-Minister of Defence Juan Manuel Santos. In the rival corner is the surprise phenomenon, the ex-Mayor of Bogotá, Antanas Mockus.

Whilst on the surface the campaign revolves around a choice between continuity or change, and whilst there are indeed certain key differences between the candidates, on many of the key issues they both promise much of the same.

On the campaign for continuity is Juan Manuel Santos, a member of the elite Santos family; the family controls the country’s principal broadsheet, El Tiempo, and his cousin, Francisco Santos, is the current vice-President. His period as Minister of Defence was extremely controversial. The bombing of a FARC camp in Ecuador in 2008 broke international law and killed numerous civilians as well as the guerrilla commander Raul Reyes. Indeed the Ecuadorian judicial system has recently taken out a warrant for his arrest. He has faced also continued condemnation from international human rights organisations for his presiding over the Colombian military’s systematic campaign of murdering innocent civilians and dressing them up as guerrilla fighters. Recent reports have suggested the number of murders committed by the military, in  what is known as the ‘false-positive’ scandal, exceeds 2,000. Judicial investigations are ongoing although until now impunity has reigned.

His campaign has promised a continuation of the militaristic policy of Álvaro Uribe, also known as the policy of ‘Democratic Security’, unshakeable support for foreign investment, and a continuation of the close military relationship with United States.

In the other camp, the campaign has seen the meteoric rise of the ex-mayor of Bogotá and Green Party candidate, Antanas Mockus. The somewhat eccentric part-Maths professor, part-philosopher, who promises a focus on legality, is seen as many voters and commentators as the choice for change. There are undoubtedly some significant differences. Firstly, Mockus, unlike Santos and the current President, does not face repeated accusations of close relationships with paramilitary groups.

Their attitudes to the justice system, perhaps not unconnected, also seems to distinguish them. After the Supreme Court recently condemned the ex-Coronel Alfonso Plazas Vega to 30 years behind bars for his role in the disappearence of 11 people in the infamous storming of the Palace of Justice in 1985, the two candidates reacted in very different ways. Whilst Santos criticised the decision and questioned the viability of civil authorities investigating military personnel, Mockus gave his full backing to the decision and defended the role played by the judicial branch. In a country where impunity for state crimes is alarmingly high, this is no moot point.

However, the truth is that Mockus has compromised himself to continue with much of Uribe’s programme; significantly in his security and economic policies. Perhaps most notable is his unequivocal commitment to the much criticised Democratic Security policy – a policy that has led to the militarisation of the country and an intense harrasment of civil, community, and human rights organizations. He also maintains a similar dedication to foreign investment which, when centred around projects such as the cultivation of African Palm or the excavation of natural resources, has often led to massive displacement in the countryside and has offered few benefits to the small-scale Colombian farmer. Indeed, on the question of unequal land distribution, widely accepted as a root cause of the Colombian conflict, very little has been offered. The more reactionary forces in Mockus’ Green Party have recently blocked a possible deal with the leftist coalition, the Democratic Pole, which may have forced the land issue onto the agenda.

Whilst Mockus may not inspire the confidence to suggest that his presidency will change the social conditions needed to impact significantly the state of the Colombian conflict, his candidacy has inspired a huge amount of support. Many have seen him as an opportunity for change after two successive Uribe governments. However, if the results of the first round and the recent success of the Santos campaign to gain the backing of the other conservative parties are anything to go by, it appears unlikely that the result will render any change at all.

Hasan Dodwell, Colombia Local Correspondent. 14 June 2010

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