Insight on Conflict » Burundi

Local perspectives on memorialisation after violence

David Taylor — Tue, 26 Jul 2011 09:22:43 +0000

To the uninformed outsider there are no visible signs of what occurred in 1996. Deep in the interior of Bubanza province, north-western Burundi, the thick vegetation and rolling hillsides bear no obvious scars of violence or international crimes. Yet the people whose lives continue to be affected after more than fifteen years recall the events with vivid lucidity. The memory of one morning of violence that left more than 300 people massacred at the hands of the army has become the very thing that defines many hardships of the present, even (remarkably) for those not witness to the bloodshed. For the people of this tiny village, memory and the way it is dealt with is both a window to the past and a door to the future.

The memorial in Kibimba. All photos by David Taylor

Here in Bubanza, ordinary villagers offer insight into the dilemmas and challenges of memorialisation in societies riddled with impunity.

The instinctive practice of memorialisation has engaged societies for centuries. Whether as poignant reminders of people and times past, grandiose initiatives celebrating former glories and triumphant regimes, or the simple but habitual gathering of people, the power of memory is manifold. Owing to this ritual desire to mourn, commemorate and preserve the legacy of particular events, individuals, communities and sometimes whole societies have sought solace in memory initiatives after mass violence. Here in Bubanza, ordinary villagers offer insight into the dilemmas and challenges of memorialisation in societies riddled with impunity.

Indeed, whilst transitional justice is now the rule after gross human rights violations, opinion in recent years has begun to look beyond the classical institutions to a broader approach to tackling impunity on the basis of victims’ rights to truth, justice, reparations and non-recurrence. Developments have witnessed the emergence of memorialisation as an international norm to which states must adhere as part of their obligations to guarantee victims’ rights. With the preponderance of criminal justice, particularly as the International Criminal Court extends its reach, these developments are crucial to ensuring that voices from the grassroots of gross human rights violations are not forgotten. For while opinion in Bubanza speaks of justice, the desire for truth about the events of 1996, together with mechanisms for dealing with the past outside of formal institutions, are clearly articulated. One of those desires is for memorialisation.

Dilemmas and problems nevertheless remain omnipresent.

Ensuring grassroots ownership is one such dilemma, but which is key to ensuring positive impact. According to Protocol I of the 2000 Arusha Agreement, which started a process to end Burundi’s civil war, a national monument inscribed with the eternal words ‘Never Again’ has been placed on a hillside in Gitega. But this national initiative now stands idle, fenced off from visitors. Inaugurated to symbolically repair the country’s past ills, many communities are oblivious to its existence. Others in Bubanza turn off the radio at the first mention of Arusha. Thus, despite memorialisation not having been appropriated to impose a one-sided narrative of the past as has occurred in Rwanda, national monuments have still failed to gain purchase within communities like Bubanza. The disconnect is tangible, with policies from the top failing to penetrate into the appreciation of efforts to deal with the past, summed up by the invisibility of such policies and the belief that the authorities are sleeping. Yet, Burundians remain alive to the acute threat of imposed memory and the risks of memorialisation, particularly as practiced across the border. Referring to state-sponsored initiatives displaying the bones of victims, Rwandans are criticised for ‘selling the bones of their brothers’.

Regardless of criticisms, the Rwandan approach to memorialisation nevertheless emits a definite clarity of purpose, somewhat in contrast to wider uncertainties as to the objectives of memory initiatives. Whilst memorialisation has long preceded the advent of transitional justice, its assimilation into the latter has opened a Pandora’s box of dilemmas, not least the question of whether one rudimentary objective runs through all ‘memory initiatives’, or whether the diversity of initiatives renders this impossible. Perhaps even more than with criminal justice and other post-conflict approaches, the question of prospective or retrospective objectives is applicable, with little theoretical clarity on whether memory initiatives can simultaneously look to the past (reparations) and to the future (non-recurrence). In Bubanza, the same dilemmas are expressed. Memorialisation here is seen as necessary for remembrance, as a source for truth, as a measure to ensure non-recurrence and as symbolic justice through acknowledgement. The extent to which memorialisation can respond to all of these needs is unclear.

A lack of clarity also surrounds the incorporation of victim, perpetrator and bystander categories into memorialisation efforts. The crudeness of these categories is contradicted by the complex practice of mass crimes, meaning that these presupposed distinctions lose relevance in a wider context. Particularly those static ventures of memorialisation seem incapable of honestly capturing this fact. Once again we can defer to Bubanza, where the perpetration of a horrific massacre in and of itself does not convey the whole history of violence and politics against which it was perpetrated in Burundi. Even intentionally taking the massacre in isolation in order to serve that community’s needs carries dilemmas, starting with the definition of victims. According to survivors, victims can be variously defined, including those buried in three mass graves, their orphans who were left behind, and those left with severe physical disabilities. Perpetrators are equally diverse. The massacre bore witness to soldiers who refused to participate, as well as trusted acquaintances who aided the violence. The context of corruption and bad governance also occupies the minds of survivors with any mention of perpetrators. Defining the actors during one morning of violence is both daunting and somewhat paradoxical.

Perhaps as a consequence of these complexities, a longing for truth underpins the entire discussion in Bubanza. In a context where no investigation has yet taken place, this is unsurprising. But truth in itself is not free from ambiguity. By its very nature it cannot be separated from personal interpretations and bias. Facts become subjected to a process of distillation, which equally influences the memory of events, even at a collective level. As is so often the case after violence, one person’s truth is another’s fiction, and so establishing a truth that satisfies all, particularly in a context of sustained violence, cannot be taken lightly. Burundi is a perfect illustration. For many, ‘truth’ is a falsehood, inseparable from political and ethnic divisions, the subjective truths sustained by political parties, a culture of deceit and manipulation, and the memory of the past handed down from ancestors. But its absence in Bubanza violates each person’s right to the truth, consequently fuelling impunity.

Alongside the overwhelming sense of grief and abandonment, a palpable feeling of bitterness directly concerning memorialisation has taken root

A final observation from the people in Bubanza must be conveyed. Alongside the overwhelming sense of grief and abandonment, a palpable feeling of bitterness directly concerning memorialisation has taken root, aggravated by an apparent lack of ethnic parity. One source of such discontent is a monument in the central Gitega province to 100 Tutsi schoolchildren and their teachers burned alive in 1993. Particularly since the number of victims was significantly fewer than their own experience of violence, many survivors are stunned by an enduring lack of state assistance and are distressed by feelings of inferiority in comparison to others, thus concurring with the observation by one man that unequal treatment creates hatred. In a context where ethnicity has played such a crucial role throughout decades of violence, the implicit warning contained here must be heeded. Memory initiatives can be a source of resentment and further division.

The task facing civil society and practitioners engaged in memorialisation is fraught with difficulties. Together with academics there is a need for greater understanding and research, which must begin with grassroots experiences.

The contribution of memory initiatives to processes of accountability and reducing impunity was the subject of a debate series conducted by the Dutch NGO, Impunity Watch, which engaged youth, experts and policymakers. In the report, “Understanding the Role of Memory Initiatives in Communities Struggling with Impunity”, the principal findings and recommendations of this series can be found.

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Bangwe et Dialogue Burundi

Joel Gabri — Mon, 11 Jul 2011 13:32:20 +0000

Bangwe et Dialogue Burundi works to build and sustain relationships that contribute to peace education, conflict resolution and the fight against gender-based violence.

Paricipants in a workshop on promoting the culture of peace, dialogue and tolerance in February 2010

During the war, the organisation hosted four symposiums gathering women from Burundi, Rwanda and DR Congo to discuss the experiences and role of women in the peacebuilding process.

In the field, Bangwe et Dialogue has facilitated peace themed arts competitions in secondary schools, provided assistance to vulnerable women in its areas of focus and helped vulnerable groups of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), widows, and members of the Batwa people to begin income generating activities.

Farming is one of the Income Generating Activities proposed by the organisation to the beneficiaries.

Bangwe et Dialogue Burundi is a branch of Bangwe et Dialogue created in 1988 under the initiative of African women living in Geneva.

A group of rural women supported by Bangwe et Dialogue in the commune of Mukike

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Women’s Peace Centre

Ruairi Nolan — Wed, 06 Oct 2010 16:19:09 +0000

The Women’s Peace Centre works for the promotion of a democratic culture based on the protection of peace and security through increasing the power of women to bring about action.

The Women’s Peace Centre started in 1996 as a project of Search For Common Ground (SFCG) Burundi. At that time it was called the ‘Peace Centre for Women’. When the project came to an end in 2006, some Burundian women who had worked within the project decided to restart it as an independent organisation.

The main activities of WPC are capacity building through training, exchanges and seminars; technical support to grassroots peacebuilding initiatives; and advocacy for women’s rights and the involvement of Burundian women in the peace and reconciliation process.

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RCN Justice & Démocratie

Ruairi Nolan — Wed, 06 Oct 2010 16:16:06 +0000

RCN Justice & Démocratie is an international NGO based in Belgium founded in September 1994, after the Rwandan genocide to contribute to guarantee respect of fundamental rights recognised by international conventions, especially the right of fair justice. RCN Justice & Démocratie works in five countries, including Burundi, the others being Rwanda, DR Congo, Haiti and Sudan. In each country, RCN Justice & Démocratie aims to support the process of rebuilding the judicial system and to promote conflict transformation in transitional countries.

In Burundi, the work of RCN Justice & Démocratie is done through radio documentaries, theatres and capacity building sessions focused on justice, human rights protection and democratic practices. They operate in the central provinces of Gitega, Ruyigi, Muramvya and Mwaro.

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JAMAA Association

Ruairi Nolan — Wed, 06 Oct 2010 10:48:06 +0000

The JAMAA Association is a non-governmental organisation initiated by the young people of Bujumbura who stood up and resisted hatred and violence in the midst of the troubled period of 1993-1996.

JAMAA Association seeks to prevent conflicts, especially among youth, and support peacebuilding whilst uniting Burundian youth to work for a fair, peaceful and democratic society.

JAMMA’s actvities include regular mediations between divided groups of young people; capacity building programmes; community work; and debates which aim to combat ethnic division and consolidate peace.

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Burundi: When violence Threatens a Fragile Democratic Process

Landry Ninteretse — Wed, 06 Oct 2010 09:44:51 +0000

The unrest and political violences that have during the electoral period in Burundi has transformed into a more complex situation characterized by barbaric killings and rumors of a fresh rebellion.

Only in September, bodies of at least 40 people have been found in swamps of Rukoko and Rusizi, 20 km north-west from Bujumbura. Those who have perpetrated such crimes haven’t yet been clearly identified; police says armed bandits are responsible of such attacks while local residents in Rukoko and Gihanga in Bubanza province confirmed the existence of a well-organised group with new uniform and guns operating in this area close to the border with DR Congo.

The political context remains tense in Burundi. After the May 24 local polls which saw a large victory for the ruling party, CNDD-FDD, opposition parties contested the results and formed a coalition, Alliance for Democratic Change. Former rebel and opposition leader Agathon Rwasa who has just laid down arms and transformed his movement into a legal political party fled the country. Other opposition leaders, fearing for their safety also have joined him in exile. Meanwhile, according to human rights groups, there have been several arrests of opposition supporters and some are reported missing or killed. Some civil society activists and journalists have also been intimidated. And despite claims of success of disarmament process, weapons are still largely distributed in urban and rural areas.

Now, the population fears an escalation of violence and generalised insecurity and asks the government to take its responsibility to ensure safety and peace for all. Ordinary citizens have expressed their strong wish for peace and stability after a destructive 12 year long war which killed over 300,000 people.

Looking at the current context which opposes mainly former rebel groups, it’s clear that only unity and determined refusal of manipulation at the grassroots level can save the country from another war. When talking to former refugees in Eastern Burundi earlier this year and to youths in Bujumbura late in August, I was told the same message: “we won’t accept manipulation any more, we have learnt enough during the last 10 years!”

For the moment, strategies of the government are still unknown; recently people have been calling for dialogue expressed by opposition and international community but it’s uncertain rather the government of Nkurunziza responds favourably to the demand given its massive victory in recent polls.

Landry Ninteretse, Burundi Local Correspondent. Insight on Conflict, 6 October 2010

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Struggling for peace in a troubled context

Landry Ninteretse — Tue, 06 Jul 2010 11:11:12 +0000

Kamenge Youth Centre continues to play a key role in reconciliation and home rebuilding in the five northern communes of Bujumbura by organizing habitual work camps which gather thousands of participants.

This year however, things were not easy for a number of reasons. Firstly, the prolonged strike in public secondary schools has disorganized academic schedules and meant that many students were not available to fully take part in the work camp activities. Secondly, the political and security tensions surrounding the contested communal election results led to grenade attacks in Bujumbura and other provinces, provoking terror and fear amongst the population. Thirdly, a lack of funding caused delay to the start of the camp.

This difficult context did not however, hamper the Kamenge Youth Centre’s determination. The first camp in a series of five was entitled ‘‘Democracy’’ and ended on June 26^th. Two-hundred-and-eighty youth and facilitators took part and 52,582 bricks were produced to rebuild the homes of internally displaced people. Working sessions covered topics including; elections, democracy, conflict management, ecology, family, teamwork, cinema and sports. On the final day, prizes were awarded for competitions in poetry, drawing and musical arts. Finally school materials were distributed to all participants. The second camp is due to start on July 6^th, with ten volunteers from Italy, Switzerland and the Netherlands also expected.

The Centre also markerd Music day from June 19 to 21 with a mega concert where 22 groups performed. This event was described as ‘‘a real testimony of people willing to live peacefully’’. One organizer commented that ‘‘while in other parts of the country people are preparing their arms, here at the Centre we are having a party because we want to live and continue to dream and hope. It’s a great testimony from northern quarters of Bujumbura and we are proud of it’’. Several other activities are scheduled up to August including seminars on democracy and the Bible; as well as income generating activities for communities.

Kamenge Youth Centre demonstrates an inspiring example of people committed to not allowing efforts to achieve peace to be compromised by political tensions and manipulation.

Landry Ninteretse

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A period of uncertainty in Burundi

Landry Ninteretse — Fri, 25 Jun 2010 16:45:51 +0000

Burundians are living in fear since the announced victory of CNDD-FDD in local polls in late May; the result has been contested by the opposition, who say that the vote had been rigged. Several grenade attacks have targeted bars, residences and public areas in the recent days. It is reported that 6 people have died and more that fifty others have been injured.

Five opposition presidential candidates announced on June 1st that they would boycott the upcoming presidential poll, arguing it would be rigged again. Among those candidates is Agathon Rwasa, leader of the former rebel group of Forces for National Liberation-FNL considered as the main challenger to incumbent president Pierre Nkurunziza. FNL supporters clashed with police on June 16 over rumors of the arrest of their leader who is now reported to have fled the country. Several sources indicate that the former rebel leader could be presently in Eastern DR Congo.

For the moment, police have failed to stop such attacks and to arrest the criminals. Colonel Gaspard Baratuza, spokesman of the police has indicated that resurgence of violence described as ‘‘acts of sabotage ahead of the presidential poll on June 28’’ seems to be generalized with grenade attacks occurring not only in Bujumbura but also in other several towns countryside.

The current political and security tension in Burundi poses a serious threat to stability of this landlocked Great Lakes country that is still struggling to emerge from a 13 year civil war that left more than 300,000 people dead. Violent incidents, acts of intimidation and manipulation were reported in the months leading up to the polls. The youth wings of political parties clashed on several times and it is reported that an estimated 80 percent of households in the capital and countryside still have small arms.

The small progresses made since 2005 now is at risk of being seriously compromised as only one party takes part in the electoral process and violence resurges across the country, and with a total absence of initiatives to facilitate dialogue among the political parties.

Landry Ninteretse, Burundi Local Correspondent. 25 June 2010

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Human Rights Watch Representative Asked to Leave Burundi

Landry Ninteretse — Mon, 24 May 2010 15:32:28 +0000

The Burundian government has canceled work permit of Neela Ghoshal, Human Right Watch’s representative in Burundi and asked her to leave the country by the 5th of June.

This decision follows the publication of a HRW’s report on pre-electoral violence last week describing violent clashes between rival youth wings, including the ruling party CNDD-FDD and former rebel group FNL. The report urged the government to take strong measures to combat political violence and ensure peaceful conditions in this electoral period.

Augustin Sanze, minister of foreign affairs who took the decision to withdraw the work authorization of Neela Ghoshal explains in his letter that “the report deliberately omits the efforts of the Interior Ministry to prevent youth groups to use sport for political and pretends that population fears 2010 polls.”

For the government, HRW’s report seems ignoring all the measures taken to ensure fair and transparent elections and can not tolerate no longer such reports.

However Kenneth Roth, Human Rights Watch Executive Director expressed its disappointment saying that “the report is based on meticulous on-the-ground research over several months, and it documents human rights abuses by all sides – not only the government or the ruling party.” He added that HRW stands behind the personal integrity and professional work of Neela Ghoshal, who for almost three years has documented human rights abuses in Burundi. “We hope to discuss this matter as soon as possible with the Burundian government to urge officials to reconsider the decision.” said Mr Roth.

Any discussions are likely to be extremely tough, as the Burundian government has clearly expressed dissatisfaction over the work of UN representatives and publications by human rights organisations on the political situation in Burundi. In December 2009, Youssef Mahmoud, former head of the United Nations Integrated Office in Burundi (BINUB) was ordered to leave the country, accused having close links to the opposition.

Several independent reports however have clearly showed that some local authorities, members of the ruling party, ordered the police to disrupt opposition party gatherings and block them from opening local offices. Civil society activists and reporters denouncing diverse abuses have also been harassed.

Landry Ninteretse, Burundi Local Correspondent. 23 May 2010.

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Unprecedented massive naturalization

Landry Ninteretse — Wed, 21 Apr 2010 11:47:55 +0000

“Historic action”, that’s how UNHCR and analysts have called the decision of Tanzanian government to grant citizenship to more that 162,000 Burundian refugees who have been living there for nearly four decades now.

Visiting the Katumba settlement of the so called “1972 Burundian refugees” last Thursday, UN High Commissionner for Refugees, Antonio Guterres praised the Tanzanian government for its “unprecedented generosity and courageous decision” in finding lasting solutions for these Burundian refugees. He also called on donor countries to respond by helping Tanzania integrate its new citizens.

In 2000, a peace process started in Burundi and the first successful, post-conflict, general elections were held in 2005. UNHCR has assisted the voluntary repatriation of over 500,000 Burundian refugees from neighbouring countries, mainly Tanzania.

In 2008, Tanzanian government offered the remaining refugees a choice of either granting citizenship or repatriating them in Burundi. An estimated 54,000 living in refugees camps consecutively to 1993 civil war chose to return home.

The 162,000 new citizens of Tanzania are mostly Hutus who fled Burundi in 1972 to escape ethnic violence which left more than 200,000 people killed. These refugees were no longer confined to refugee settlements and were already largely integrated into Tanzania’s society and economy. After over 30 years they were very reluctant to return back to Burundi and have been advocating for naturalisation for a long time.

Explaining the reasons behind the decision, Tanzanian Interior Minister, Lawrence Masha, said “We felt that it was not good for them – but also for the security of Tanzania – to have a group of close to 200,000 who have no place to call home. As citizens of Tanzania, they are free to live everywhere within the country and they will have access to social services like any other Tanzanians”, Masha told AlertNet.

Last January I visited Muriza peace village, in the Eastern province of Ruyigi, where some returnees are facing all kinds of difficulties to reintegrate, certain inhabitants of the village, especially those who came from Tanzania, told me that they were tempted by a second exile. According to them, livelihoods are better in Tanzania. However, they have already made their decision and have now to rebuild together with other Burundians a peaceful and prosperous society.

Posted by Landry Ninteretse, Local Correspondent for Burundi, 22 April 2010

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