Burundi: Conflict Profile.

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Key Information

Conflict Timeline

1899 Tutsi kingdom of Urundi (Burundi) comes under German East African administration.
1923 After World War One Belgium are granted a League of Nations Mandate to administer Ruanda-Urundi (Rwanda and Burundi).
1962 Urundi is separated from Ruanda-Urundi, becomes Burundi and is given independence as a monarchy under King Mwambutsa IV. Read full Burundi timeline >>>

Key people and parties

AU (African Union) brokered the 2009 peace deal between the FNL and the government.
CNDD-FDD (National Council for the Defence of Democracy-Forces for the Defence of Democracy) main Hutu former rebel group, led by Pierre Nkurunziza.
Frodebu (Front for Democracy) – traditionally Hutu party, currently in power led by President Ndayizeye. Read full list of Burundi key people and parties >>>

Resources

Navigate through the extensive categorised sections for a comprehensive overview of Burundi. Includes timelines, statistics and a ‘who works where’ database of local and international NGOs.
An insightful yet relative basic overview of the political, social and economical landscape. Also noteworthy is the timeline feature.
A country guide with detailed information on development facts. Of particularly significance is the conflict section which (like the rest of the guide) refers to external links throughout. Read a full list of resources on the Burundi conflict >>>

Since its independence from Belgium in 1962, Burundi has been plagued by ethnic violence and the widening social divisions between the majority Hutu (85 per cent of the population) and minority Tutsi (15 per cent of the population) ethnic groups.

Ethnic conflicts in Burundi however, predate Independence. Together with present-day Rwanda, Burundi was part of the colonial territories of first Germany, then Belgium, as Ruanda-Urundi.  Under Belgian rule, ethnicity was marked on identity cards, and the Tutsi community – or at least the Tutsi elite – tended to be favoured by the colonial authorities.  There is a great deal of historical controversy over to what degree colonial policies either created ethnic classifications, or merely used existing divisions in Rwanda and Burundi; it is however generally agreed that colonial policies embedded ethnic divisions in Burundi society that remain potent to this day.

By United Nations Photo, published under the creative commons license.

A series of military and non-democratic regimes ruled Burundi after Independence in 1962.  It is believed that violent repressions of the Hutu population in 1965, when King Mwambutsa IV refused to appoint the elected Hutu Prime Minister (Pierre Ngendandumwe), and in 1972, when the armed forces again struck against the Hutu population, were the main contributors to the political conditions that produced the open civil war in 1993.  In that year, the assassination of Burundi’s first democratically elected and first Hutu President, Melchior Ndadaye, after just four months in office, led to widespread ethnic violence that would last more than a decade. Around 200,000 people died in the fighting, which also sparked an unprecedented refugee and internally displaced people (IDP) crisis.

As the conflict raged internally, fighting also spilled over into neighbouring countries – Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Tanzania and Uganda. Indeed, the Democratic Republic of Congo has been involved in some funding of rebel groups, while Burundi has been used as a sanctuary for rebels fighting the Kinshasa administration.

The numerous peace agreements – most notably the Arusha Accords, and the 2006 ceasefire agreement – have proven to be fragile and inter-ethnic conflict violence broke out on regular basis. Recent signs of hope came in April 2009 when Burundi’s last rebel group, the Forces for National Liberation (FNL), laid down its arms and was transformed into a political party.

After 15 years of conflict, Burundi’s recent progress in the political situation can be viewed with optimism. The current government is ethnically mixed with 60 per cent Hutus and 40 per cent Tutsis, in accordance with the constitution.  However, any optimism is tempered with caution, as the situation remains very fragile.  The 2010 elections saw the re-election of Pierre Nkurunziza amid calls of a fradulent election by the opposition parties who boycotted the election.  In January 2011 a new UN mission began in Burundi, named the UN Integrated Office in Burundi, known as BNUB and will have an initial 12-month mandate.

Events since last years elections have raised fears of renewed conflict. The leader of the FNL, Agathon Rwasa went into hiding, and is rumoured to be reorganising his forces across the border in Eastern DR Congo. There have been a number of brutal killings in FNL strongholds by what the government call ‘armed bandits’ and murders of polititians and party activists on both sides. In September 2011, a massacre in a bar popular with government supporters heightend tensions and increased fears of a return to civil war.

The peace process depends on the ability of the current government to build strong institutions to foster democracy. There are concerns that the government is too weak to control the situation as the extreme poverty, lack of law and order and human right violations still remain as barriers to stability.  Additionally, the issue of the integration of former rebels into state institution and security forces is unresolved.

decommissionedweapons

Grenades handed in as part of a decomissioning ceremony. Photo credit: Laura Gordon, The Advocacy Project. Uploaded under a Creative Commons License.

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Conflict.Resolution.
Ethnic divides
Historically, Burundians have not mobilised around ethnicity. However, in the search for power political elites have used the Hutu-Tutsi divide as a justification for all manner of coups, assassinations, and massacres, further entrenching social, political, and economic divisions. Thus ethnicity became the dominant lens through which the population came to view political conflict, and ethnic appeals from elites became a powerful force for mass mobilisation. Local peacebuilding can be very effective at rebuilding trust and promoting reconciliation.
CENAP has done extensive research on opinions on the conflict to facilitate dialogues and conflict resolution
— The ‘Consolidating Peace’ project of the Ubuntu Centre brings together communities that have been in conflict
COPA offer conflict mediation to communities, based on local traditions and practices
— The Kamenge Youth Club has brought together 30,000 young people from different ethnic communities in a region that was heavily affected by violence in 1993-2000
DDR (Disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration):
The conflict turned Burundi into a highly militarised society. As with all conflict areas, Burundi now faces a real challenge in terms of reintegrating ex-combatants back in society, both to increase security and to ensure that all ex-combatants are committed to a peaceful future.
CEDAC is dedicated to the reintegration of ex-combatants in Burundi, including extensive work with former female soldiers
Reconciliation:
The massive violence experienced by the Burundi has left a deeply divided society. The relatives of victims and those affected by violence need assistance to cope with the long-term impacts of what they have suffered.
THARS promotes the post-war healing and reconciliation process through the work of psychosocial practitioners and peacemakers
— The Amahoro Youth Club runs counselling for young people to help deal with the psychological stresses of the conflict
— The Mariya Arafasha Foundation has arranged Peace and Reconciliation Festivals to bring together divided communities.
Poverty:
Extreme poverty is a cause and consequence of conflict in Burundi. Poverty makes populations more susceptible to ethnically-based mobilisation, and conflict destroys economic productivity. Without clear economic improvements, poverty will continue to be a huge conflict risk in Burundi. Burundi is an agricultural society with over 90 per cent of the population living in rural areas, making competition for productive land a source of conflict and tension. This is exacerbated by a massive return of refugees and IDPs who need housing, productive land, and reintegration into stable communities. Local peacebuilding can provide a framework for cohesive community development, but without combined local, national and regional economic reinvigoration, competition and scarcity are likely to remain as major causes of potential conflict
— The Ubuntu Centre has started a range of socio-economic ventures to help the economy in conflict affected areas.
— As well as conflict resolution work, ACDI-New Vision supports economic development projects for marginalised groups
Governance:
Conflict can be seen as the failure of governance. Four decades of brutal civil war have created a huge chasm between national leaders and the Burundian grassroots, who tend to view government as inept, corrupt, and unresponsive. Restoring trust in government will take time and effort, but local peacebuilding is well placed to be part of a vibrant civil society working on reconciliation and community development.
— The Amahoro Youth Club runs sessions to develop the civic skills of young people to encourage a fairer, more democratic Burundi
— The Empowering Youth People programme of New Generation aims to provide young people with the skills to participate constructively in political life The Youth Centre for NVDA campaigns for human rights and a democratic society in Burundi
Tags: Burundi, Conflict Profile

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