Photo credit: Ratchaprasong 2

The opposition Puea Thai party, backed by exiled former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra and led by his telegenic 44-year-old sister, Yingluck, is tipped to win the polls. Yingluck, a political novice, burst onto the political scene less than two months ago and has blown her more experienced political rivals out of the water with a well-managed, media savvy campaign, and could become Thailand’s first elected female leader.

Despite a coup, a new constitution and the banning of successive Thaksin-backed political parties by a powerful establishment, the exiled former prime minister’s political juggernaut is resurgent, ever-emboldened by an increasingly organised and indignant support base. As the conflict has endured it has grown in scope, laying bare deep political fissures in a country that was once seen as a beacon for democracy amongst authoritarian neighbours.

Thaksin’s parties have won all elections since the 2006 coup that ousted his government. But machinations by a politicised judiciary and a powerful military have continually sought to ensure that pro-Thaksin parties are kept from power at all costs – leading to a breakdown in the democratic process and a mass protest movement which culminated in May last year with the deaths of at least 90 people when the military cracked down on anti-government “Red Shirt” protests in Bangkok.

The main political rival to Thaksin and Puea Thai is the incumbent Democrat Party. With support largely among the establishment and middle classes, the Democrats have sought to position themselves as the defenders of stability, warning that voting for a pro-Thaksin party will only lead to further instability and conflict. However, despite having the support of the military-backed royalist establishment, the Democrats, led by Oxford-educated Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, have failed to win a single election since the 2006 coup. In fact, the party has not won an election since 1992. Nevertheless, the Democrats were able, with military backing, to cobble together a coalition government two years ago after the ruling pro-Thaksin party was dissolved for election fraud.

Post-election scenarios

Despite Puea Thai looking like it will win the most votes, analysts predict the election is likely to deliver another hung Parliament. If that is the case, the Democrats may again be able to pull together a coalition – something that is likely to further inflame Puea Thai’s increasingly bellicose Red Shirt supporters. If Puea Thai manages to win a majority, however, then renewed street protest by the ultra right-wing “Yellow Shirts” (led by Sondhi Limthongkul’s People’s Alliance for Democracy) are likely. In such a scenario, military intervention in a country that has seen 18 coups or attempted coups since 1932 cannot be ruled out.

The People’s Alliance for Democracy is campaigning for people to vote for “none of the above” in the election, arguing that all the candidates are unfit to rule and an appointed national government is required to purge the political system of all its corruptions. Whatever the outcome of the election – Democrat-led coalition, Puea Thai-led coalition or single-party government for either party – the chances for political stability remain unconvincing.

The issues that underlie this growing political divide run deep and are inextricably linked to the ailing health of the country’s revered King Bhumibol Adulyadej, concerns over succession, and accusations that the military and other powerful “establishment” figures around the palace are exploiting the monarchy for their own purposes. These highly emotive concerns remain pivotal to overcoming Thailand’s political decay but are rarely addressed openly. The misuse of harsh ‘lèse-majesté’ laws and other efforts to enforce a culture of self-censorship prevent these crucial issues from being discussed.

The need for change and the role of civil society

Thailand, many argue, is slipping backwards into repression and authoritarianism: over 540,000 websites have been blocked by the Democrat-led government over the past 15 months, according to Freedom Against Censorship Thailand; the kingdom is now ranked 153 out of 178 countries in the Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index and the military budget since the coup has more than doubled to $5.5 billion. There has been a surge in lèse-majesté allegations since the 2006 coup. From 1993 to 2004, the average number of new cases of lèse-majesté dropped by half, with no cases at all in 2002. But in 2009, the last year for which reliable statistics are available, 164 cases were sent to the Court of First Instance, a record high.

While open discussion of the underlying issues remains taboo, debate over the use of lèse-majesté and the growing threats to free speech and other democratic norms is gathering momentum. This has led to the Red Shirts being labelled anti-monarchists – a highly emotive charge. However, the other fear is that a Puea Thai victory could lead to the whitewashing and return of divisive former Prime Minister Thaksin – a scenario that also would likely lead to further instability and renewed conflict. With the issues at stake clearly complicated and deep-rooted grievances on both sides, it is difficult to see how this conflict can be resolved.

It is within this volatile and complex arena that local peacebuilders are looking to promote open discussion of the fundamental issues in a bid to prevent further violence and help the country attain the stability it desires. But neutral actors remain few and far between. Most of the open discussion remains limited to academic forums that are themselves beholden to existing power structures. There is a dearth of neutral bodies capable of mediating and helping bridge the ever-widening divide that threatens to keep Thailand in a state of political upheaval for many years to come.

If Thailand is to come through these testing times without the scars of ever-more serious bloodshed and tyranny, then open dialogue that allows for frank discussion of these concerns is crucial. A middle voice must begin to make itself heard. The development of a united vision for the country is vital. For now though, it is crucial that for the millions of voters expected to turn out for Sunday’s election, they feel their voices have been listened to and they can place their faith in the rule of law and parliamentary democracy. If that is not achieved, then further street protests, violent conflict and military intervention are all possible.

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Missing lawyer’s case highlights continued obstacles to peace

On 12 March 2011 it will be seven years since human rights lawyer Somchai Neelaphaijit was abducted by policemen from a busy Bangkok street. He is presumed dead. His body has never been found. Attempts to bring the perpetrators to justice have been thwarted at every turn, highlighting the persistent obstructions faced by victims of extra-judicial violence and the enduring problem of impunity – all of which remain major obstacles to the resolution of ongoing conflicts, not only in the restive southern border provinces, but throughout Thailand.

Injustice, Impunity and Abuse

At the time of his disappearance, Somchai was representing several southern Muslim men accused of taking part in the robbery of an army munitions base in Narathiwat province in January 2004. Somchai had also lodged complaints of torture of his clients by security forces whilst they were detained under martial law.

Angkhana: Wife of missing human rights lawyer Somchai Neelaphaijit, Angkhana, talks with Department of Special Investigation and police officials during a search for her husband's body in a river in central Thailand in 2006. Somchai was abducted by police from a busy Bangkok street in March 2004. His body has not been recovered. Photo by Ismail Wolff.

On 11 March this year, the Bangkok Criminal Court is due to read its verdict in the appeal case against five police officers, including Police Major Ngern Thongsuk, who are accused of involvement in Somchai’s disappearance. Ngern was convicted and sentenced to three years in jail in January 2006 for his alleged involvement, but was immediately released on bail after appealing the verdict. The other four were acquitted. Ngern’s appeal verdict has been delayed three times from the original scheduled reading in September 2010, due to the failure of the defendant to show up in court – a requirement by Thai law. Ngern’s family filed a missing persons report the day before the original scheduled hearing, stating that he went missing in a mudslide two years previously – a claim that campaigners find hard to believe.

Rather than being the consequence of the grinding pace of the judicial system, human rights campaigners say these continued delays are the result of concerted attempts to thwart justice.

“Although the procedural technicalities that keep forcing postponements in the reading of the verdict can individually be waved aside as the inevitable details of judicial process and nothing to do with the particulars of the case, seen in context it is clear that they are part of a process not to delay justice, but to sabotage it,”" The Asian Human Rights Commission said in a recent statement.

“The unavoidable conclusion,” it said, “is that they are part of a concerted strategy by powerful persons in and behind the scenes to demonstrate once and for all that it is not only pointless, but also dangerous and impertinent to demand justice for gross abuses of human rights by the police and other security officials in Thailand.”

In April and May of 2010, Bangkok’s streets were host to the worst political violence in the capital in 18 years. Over 90 people were killed and nearly 2,000 injured, during clashes and a subsequent military crackdown on anti-government protesters who had laid siege to the capital for months. The violent crackdown was carried out under the protection of emergency laws, which offer state authorities and security forces broad powers and immunity from prosecution. The use of extraordinary legal measures has long been an issue of concern for human rights groups, who argue that it is linked to a broader pattern of extra-judicial violence – such as the Krue Se and Tak Bai massacres in southern Thailand, which took place while martial law was in place. No one has been prosecuted for the alleged extra-judicial killings.

Rama IV Road: Usually bustling central Bangkok appeared more like a war zone as protesters battled with troops for control of the city streets in May 2010. Over 90 people were killed and more than 2,000 injured, the vast majority civilians, as troops cracked down on anti-government protests in Bangkok in April and May of 2010. Photo by Ismail Wolff.

Following the Krue Se and Tak Bai massacres, and a rise in violence in the far south, the National Reconciliation Commission was set up, headed by former Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun. But like the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), formed in the wake of last year’s violence in Bangkok, it had only a limited mandate. Both commissions were set up as fact-finding bodies capable of making recommendations but devoid of any authority to lodge legal proceedings.

The TRC has complained of a lack of co-operation from the military and police, and its report into the violence has been delayed. As well as a lack of progress into these investigations, further perceived wrongdoings continue to compound a sense of injustice among anti-government groups. Several prominent ‘red shirt’ leaders were only released on bail in February 2011, nine months after being arrested on terrorism charges. Scores more protesters remain incarcerated without trial and several provinces remain under a state of emergency.

While much focus, political and otherwise, remains on the problems in Bangkok, the insurgency continues to rumble in the far south. Despite concerted military efforts over the past seven years and the continued application of stringent emergency powers, the insurgency shows no real signs of abating. About 4,370 people have died and many thousands more injured in the past seven years of conflict, the large majority of them civilians.

The disappearance of Somchai is just one among countless cases where the judicial system appears to have failed. Police last year also dropped charges against a former soldier allegedly involved in a 2009 attack on the Al-Furqan mosque. The persistent failure to follow through on allegations against state officers reinforces perceptions of impunity, playing into the hands of insurgents, said the International Crisis Group in its latest report on the southern violence.

Photo from Ratchaprasong 2, published under a Creative Commons licence

“Draconian laws that grant security forces sweeping powers remain imposed while justice for serious cases of past abuse remains unaddressed and torture of suspects continues,”" said the report. “This reinforces perceptions of impunity and the insurgency’s narrative of the unjust rule, while aiding recruitment of those willing to take up arms against the Buddhist Thai state.”"

Local, regional and international peacebuilders, such as the Working Group on Justice for Peace (WGJP), and the Asian Human Rights Commission, continue to work to strengthen non-violent efforts to protect human rights, promote access to justice and end impunity. Angkhana Neelaphaijit, wife of Somchai and chairperson of the WGJP, is due to address the 16^th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council in March 2011, to bring its attention to these and other grievances. This is particularly pertinent, given that Thailand is the current chair of the council.

Somchai’s case is more than the demand for justice by a family. It is indicative of the continued barriers to justice faced by victims of extra-judicial violence all across Thailand, where institutions that purport to deliver justice routinely do the opposite, reinforcing a system in which perpetrating rights violations is viewed as acceptable, and attaining redress is considered nothing short of hopeless.

This failure is both a symptom and a cause of the cycle of violence that has long plagued this country. Strengthening the rule of law and tackling impunity are imperative, if there is to be any hope of ending the present cycle of violent conflict.

Update, March 11: Conviction overturned

The Appeals Court on March 11 overturned the conviction of Police Major Ngern Thongsuk of involvement in the disappearance of human rights lawyer Somchai Neelaphaijit. It also upheld not guilty verdicts against four other officers. The Criminal Court had sentenced Ngern to three years imprisonment on January 12, 2006, after finding him guilty of forcing others into submission. He appealed the verdict and was released on bail. Ngern was not present at the court for the verdict. His family filed a missing persons report last year, claiming he went missing in a mudslide in September 2008.

According to press reports, the court, in overturning the conviction, cited insufficient evidence. The court said the statements given by witnesses were confused and ruled to give the officer the benefit of the doubt. One of the key witnesses, Abdullah Abukoree, an ex-client of Somchai’s, went missing and is presumed dead after disappearing from outside his home in December 2009 after leaving a state witness protection programme.

The case against the five police officers was brought by Somchai’s wife, Angkhana Neelaphaijit, and their four children. They now have the option of appealing again to the Supreme Court, something they had said they would do if the Appeals Court chose to overturn Ngern’s conviction and uphold the not guilty verdicts against the other four defendants.

Angkhana, as chairperson of the Working Group for Justice and Peace, just this week addressed the 16th Session of the United Nations Human Rights Council on the issue of enforced disappearance in Thailand. Angkhana told the UN council that there were currently 54 unsolved enforced disappearance cases in Thailand, including Somchai’s.

It is vital that pressure continues to be applied on the Thai government to tackle the problem of impunity and the failures of the justice system. Despite the setback in this latest verdict, it is important that local and regional activists, the media, as well as the international community, continue to closely monitor this and other cases and pressure the Thai authorities into turning its lofty rhetoric into genuine action. With an election expected in Thailand by July, it is important to pressure the current Democrat-led government and other political parties on these and other human rights issues. Angkhana and her children, and the families of others who have been forcibly disappeared, deserve to know the truth of what happened to their loved ones and see those responsible brought to justice.

For more general background on the conflict in South Thailand, this Al Jazeera video is worth watching:

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The recent political stand-off between the anti-government Red Shirts and the military and police forces surrounding them ended with the death of at least 38 civilians and an untold number of people injured. Armoured military vehicles, snipers, and live ammunition were also used to put an end to the prolonged Red Shirt protest in the commercial and shopping centre of the Thai capital. The final assault took place on the early hours of Wednesday 19 May and the main protest leaders surrendered after the barricades were breached and the human toll started to become unbearable.

It was not surprising to see how the rank and file Red Shirts vented their frustration at the overwhelming violence used against them and the arrest of their leaders by burning the symbols of central government elite control. The Stock Exchange, the Metropolitan Electricity Authority, banks, and the Central World Shopping Mall all represent different aspects of elite control in Thailand and thus were targeted by Red Shirts for looting and attack. Needless to say this was an act of desperation more important for its symbolism and meaning as a clue of what is to come.

The conflict has not been resolved and the tens of thousands of dissatisfied Red Shirts spread throughout the country have not given up the struggle. No new social consensus has arisen out of the ashes and debris is piling up in the Thai Capital. Nevertheless, one thing is clear, which is that the military and the elite consider the Red Shirt challenge sufficiently threatening to blatantly abuse the human rights of civilians in front of an attentive international community. After a renegade Major General who had switched sides to the Red Shirts was shot dead by a sniper while being interviewed by a New York Times reporter, it was clear that the elite’s cost-benefit calculus changed in favour of doing whatever was necessary to stay in power regardless of the economic or political consequences.

Now that the government has imposed a curfew in the capital, the world and the Thai people ask themselves what is going to happen now? Is this a return to normalcy and relative stability or just the calm before the storm? Were the Red Shirts just a cursory phenomenon orchestrated and financed by selfish exiled politicians and disaffected leftist intellectuals? Those are just some of the questions that need to be answered before the Thai people can go on with their lives. A simple answer is that instability is here to stay and that negotiation with the Red Shirts will become considerably more difficult now that this level of violence has been used against them. Regarding the true nature of the Red Shirts, the answer lies in the sacrifices made by thousands of unarmed civilians facing tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition in an alien environment with no guarantees of success. Even if financial support is provided by Dr Shinawatra, and the leadership is influenced by leftist intellectuals, the sacrifices made by the people are very real and their grievances are quite specific. They want help from the government in dealing with their basic needs. Will this lead to civil war? A civil war is unlikely; the most likely scenario is low intensity violence throughout the country. The instability in the Deep South and the constant violence there should serve as a preview of what is to come. Protests will continue in other parts of the country, and violence will become more common.

Sadly the average Thai, including the middle class in Bangkok, will suffer from the decisions of the government and the elite it represents. Taking the sky train to work will never again feel as safe as it did before. A parked taxi in front of a building will become an object of suspicion and apprehension. The economy will take a long time to recover and the image of the country as the ‘land of smiles’ is irreparably shattered in the eyes of the world. Finally, the greatest source of uncertainty for the entire country is the end of the common Thai worldview myth. The cleavage is obvious, and the myth of the monolithic ‘nation’ is over, and the legitimacy of those in power is in question.

The elite should learn from the recent history of Nepal and consider a peaceful transition leading to a new social consensus rather than risking greater violence and loss of legitimacy. Let us hope that the government will attempt to negotiate with the Red Shirts on mid and long-term goals so as to avoid the worst of what is to come…

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The high ranking of Thailand may be surprising to some, but Eva Molyneux of Maplecroft points out that “media coverage can often skew public perceptions of terrorism risk in a country by publicising mass-casualty attacks. However, smaller terrorist incidents often go unreported”.

Ruairi Nolan, Insight on Conflict, 25 February 2010.

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NGOs working in the deep south of Thailand have learnt the importance of creating spaces for local people to voice their opinions and take part in activities. It is key that people feel they control their own destinies if there is to be peace in this region.

Islam is the majority religion in the three most southern provinces of Thailand – Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat. Religious considerations play an important role in any development project. Leaders are an important part of the culture of Muslim communities in the region, so work which cooperates with community leaders – religious, village-level, and political – is crucial to the success of development projects.

By gathering people together and providing an open space for them to express their opinions on the problems affecting the village, it’s possible to create a peaceful foundation for future development. Development that is successful does not come from the state, but from the people most affected.

In Pa-te, in the Yaha district of Pattani, problems of violence because of the war are widespread, as well as unemployment and drug abuse. Community-based decision making has led to education programmes in local schools as one way of stopping future generations falling into the same trap. With the help of the Faith Community Network, they developed types of Muslim schools known as ‘keerooartee’, to educate young people about the benefits of peace, and for which they have managed to get government support.

In Salopatae, the economic centre of Yala province, the mosque did not serve as the centre of the village for the Muslim community. People practised religion in their own homes, and therefore lost the community aspect of the mosque as a meeting place. The Faith Community Network worked with the villagers to redevelop the mosque, rather than the local government office, as the centre of village activity. The redevelopment of the mosque allowed for the same type of youth education as in Pata, as well as the establishment of a women’s group that makes items from local materials for sale.

Kadudou village, in the Pinang District of Yala, was in a state of conflict. People didn’t trust each other. Many meetings were arranged and eventually they set up a sewing group in order to develop some kind of livelihood for the villagers. Again, the local mosque had lost its role as a centre of village life, meaning people didn’t talk to each other. The sewing group took on its role.

These are just villages in a global world. The Muslim community in Thailand is a minority – Thailand is a predominantly Buddhist country, but it is wrong to say that religion is the cause of the violence in the South. Rather, the Thai state fails to understand the local culture sufficiently, and act accordingly. The same is the case for the state’s response to the violence, it is wrong to simply brand everybody ‘terrorists’ and then respond with more violence.

As these examples show, involving local people directly leads to new and sustainable ways of resolving conflict and building a peaceful life.

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Faith Community Network

The Faith Community Network helps communities in South Thailand to resolve conflicts, working with local religious leaders.

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Academics in Thailand are beginning to ask this question and in the months toward the end of 2009, there were a number of big academic seminars focused on problems in the Deep South. They covered a range of issues, and were hosted by institutions in both Bangkok and the South, with the dominant themes being autonomy, Pattani history, human rights and the government’s response to solving the conflict. All of which did not shy away from criticising government policy or providing alternative solutions.

The ‘Non-Violence Global Political Sciences’, held by Prince of Songkhla University, looked at solving the political issues of the Deep South. The main discussion looked at methods to stop the violence, by promoting grassroots approaches as a counter to an increasingly top-down method. The also looked at ways to ensure the military strategy was led by the political rather than the other way around.

Prince of Songkhla University, supported by the Research Centre for Peacebuilding of Mahidol University, held a conference on the possibility of an autonomous area in the South, and looked at the experience of autonomy in other countries such as Aceh in Indonesia, Midanao in Philippines, and minority groups in China and New Zealand.

‘Phantasm in Southern Thailand: Historical Writing on Pattani and the Islamic World’, held by Walailak university, Chulalongkorn university, National Discovery Museum Institute and Thailand Research Fund, in Bangkok, was biggest ever conference about the conflict in the Deep South and had speakers from around the world. Focused on the history of Pattani, the general consensus was the government needed to pay more attention to the historical roots of the conflict – the Pattani empire, and the particular identity of region’s people.

However, since the conflict began in 2004, there have been over 1,000 published academic articles and books on the situation in the Deep South, and yet violence continues and no real progress seems to have been made. All of these conferences are lacking a crucial element – the participation of local people. The question should not only be about the government response, but where is the space for local people in the peace process? Only then will we see progress in the conflict on Thailand’s Deep South.

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“It seems the conflict just started,” a Canadian volunteer told me in 2007 when we met in Bangkok. Actually, the conflict has been going for much, much longer. For more than 100 years the state of Thailand and the region of Pattani, have been in conflict. This is just the latest round of fighting. The last wave of violence began on April 28 2004 when 106 people were killed after soldiers opened fire on local Muslim people at the Kau-Sae mosque in Pattani. The incident caused something inside people’s minds to explode; the violence has got worse each year since.

On this site, you can view information on the local people who are working to bring peace to South Thailand. I hope this article can give some sense of the challenge they face, given the levels of violence and militarisation which have disturbed the Deep South of Thailand.

The victims of this conflict are ordinary people

With the continual violence on the streets, it seems like anybody can be a victim in the Thailand these days. In December, I travelled to this region for Insight on Conflict, where I met many people who were afraid, too cautious to even talk with each other, let alone an outsider – whether they be in the media, government, or NGO. When people are killed, nobody ever finds out who did it. Nothing can ever be proved, and the person who fired the shot or set the bomb stays hidden. Nobody stays out after sunset, or leaves their house before dawn, if they can help it. One of my friends, a peace volunteer, told me how she’ll never take the same road to and from a place. This is normal life in Thailand’s ‘Deep South’.

On my trip from Yala to Pattani, and passing through the district of Saiburi, we followed a road which the driver told me is a common place for killings. Most are just ordinary people caught in the crossfire. After he finished talking he quickly turned the car onto a different road. It was 5pm and getting dark. We were still 50km from Pattani. I kept quiet and let him concentrate on the road ahead. Anyone can be a target in this conflict.

The victims in this conflict are not only the military and insurgents, they are villagers – both Muslim and Buddhist. The violence has touched almost everybody – if you haven’t lost a parent, child or partner, you know somebody who has. Women, children and the elderly are not safe when bombs explode in markets and mosques. Innocent people are caught in the crossfire – the person who was shot as he rode his motorbike; the wife killed by a bomb; the man killed when police burst into his home; or the local leader who was killed after refusing to allow the military to establish a checkpoint and build a trench in his village.

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Some schools that have completed the Peace Training programme have gone on to establish ‘Peace Clubs’, and contribute to peace education activities. ARF-Pattani’s role with these schools has therefore changed from that of a trainer to that of consultant, arranging meetings between the clubs to share what they have learnt and to develop relationships between the members.

After finishing the Youth Peace Clubs in schools, in early 2009 ARF-Pattani moved into working with young people in the villages most affected by the violence in the region. Many young people in the villages are poorly educated, very few progress further than high school; many only ever finish primary education.

This lack of education creates serious problems for young people in the villages. Many find it extremely difficult to find work in the cities, and some migrate to Malaysia. Those that stay become targets for drug gangs and terrorist organisations, which also draws attention from the army. ARF-Pattani offers skills training to unemployed young people to try and ensure that they don’t become part of the violence.

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Asian Resource Foundation Pattani (ARF-PATTANI)

Since 2005 ARF-Pattani has undertaken peacebuilding and sustainable development programmes in Southern Thailand, and promotes inter-faith dialogue as central to resolving the region's conflict.

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Soldier guards parade in South Thailand

This month (December 2009) I visited South Thailand to find out how local people are dealing with the conflict. I could sense the fear of people immediately when I entered a ‘Red Zone’ village in Yala, through the military checkpoints. In the past these villages were always friendly, but now the people look at me with suspicion and do not greet me. They are clearly fearful! Since the war began, the army and terrorists have seized their village and put fear into their hearts. Today nobody talks to their neighbours, doors are locked after sunset, and nobody goes out at night. Even if there is an accident outside, people are too afraid to leave their homes and help the wounded.

One women told me how in a nearby village, an old man and his son were shot in the tea shop in the middle of the village. When I asked who the shooter was, she became startled and kept quiet. Her face was covered with fear. Many people in the Red Zone have similar experiences. They have heard that those who talk to a reporter, an NGO worker, humanitarian worker, or peacebuilder, tend to end up arrested or killed. This shows how difficult it is for anyone to try and work in this region.

Despite all these difficulties, I was encouraged to find that the work of peacebuilders is continuing; local people organising themselves, in different ways, to try and bring about a better future. I was able to provide updates on the work of organisations such as ARF-Pattani and the SBPAC, and their initatives with peace volunteers and youth groups. I hope you get a chance to read about their important work.

Posted by Kokaew Wongphan, Local Correspondent for Thailand, 23 December 2009

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Peace Volunteers in South Thailand

The peace volunteers are local people, who live and work in the areas affected by the violence. Around 60 per cent are teachers – others come are deputy district officers, or come from community development authorities. Because they are from the area they know the culture, religion and nature of the people, better than any outsider. The training they have received has allowed them to build upon this local knowledge, using it alongside peacebuilding skills.

Peace Volunteers in South Thailand

By 2010, these 69 volunteers will have established a peacebuilding project that extends in to high schools and villages (particularly villages that are experiencing religious-based conflict).

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